When fathers migrate: Does It benefit or disrupt left-behind children’s education?

While studies have explored the impact of male out-migration on left-behind women, there is limited evidence on the effects on children. Analysing data from eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, this article shows that while the relationship between fathers’ migration and children’s schooling is context-dependent in the case of sons, daughters are disadvantaged owing to increased responsibilities and safety concerns.

Migration is a significant socioeconomic phenomenon in India, driven by multiple factors such as poverty, unemployment, agricultural distress, and the search for better livelihood opportunities (Srivastava 2012). Labour migration, particularly from rural to urban areas, is widespread in India, with millions of people moving seasonally or permanently for work. Such migration also occurs between rural areas, particularly in agricultural and informal sector work (Smita 2008). States like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand, and Odisha serve as a huge source of cheap labour for industrialised and economically advanced states such as Gujarat, Maharashtra, Kerala, and Karnataka (International Labour Organization, 2024). Seasonal labour migration (also referred to as ‘distress migration’), particularly in informal sectors, such as construction, brick kilns, and sugarcane harvesting, is a survival strategy for rural households facing economic vulnerability (Deshingkar and Start 2003). These seasonal migrants primarily belong to marginalised communities and have low levels of education.

When male members seasonally migrate for work, it can have far-reaching consequences on left-behind families, especially women and children. While most studies examine the impact of male seasonal migration on left-behind women, only a few have focused on the effects on children. While a father’s migration can provide economic benefits to families through remittances, it may also adversely affect children’s educational attainment, health, and cognitive development (Lu 2014, Nguyen 2016).

In the Indian context, only a handful of studies have been conducted to understand the impact of fathers’ migration on left-behind children’s schooling. Moreover, the relationship between these two aspects has not been established clearly in the existing literature. To fill this critical research gap, in this study, I examine the association between fathers’ migration and left-behind children’s school attendance in eastern Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Bihar.

Fathers’ migration and children’s schooling

Studies have found mixed evidence on the link between fathers’ migration and left-behind children's schooling. Two studies (Chakraborty and Mukherjee 2023, Vikram 2021) based on India Human Development Survey (IHDS) data suggest that fathers’ migration may positively influence children’s educational outcomes. For instance, left-behind children are likely to get higher scores in achievement tests than children of non-migrant fathers. However, sons of migrant fathers may benefit more from spending time on academic activities than daughters.

When fathers migrate, mothers may have greater decision-making authority in the family. In the absence of fathers, mothers are more likely to invest in and prioritise their children’s schooling (Desai and Banerji 2008). However, the possibility of having greater autonomy among women is more likely to be seen in nuclear families (Debnath 2015). In joint families, in-laws and senior male members typically retain control over household decisions (Allendorf 2012). Remittances sent by migrant fathers may also help improve household living conditions (Deshingkar et al. 2006). With additional financial resources, children may not be required to engage in labour for a livelihood, allowing them to stay in school. However, such remittances may not be helpful in easing the burden of household chores for girls (Ghimire et al. 2021). Moreover, most of the remittances are spent on daily consumption of goods, house repair, purchase of land and ornaments, and marriage and other rituals, and with only a small amount allocated for children’s education.

On the other hand, the absence of a father can disrupt household stability and increase the burden on remaining family members, especially women and children. Left-behind children may experience emotional and behavioural challenges due to the absence of their father (Shah 2021). Fathers’ migration can create an additional burden on left-behind children – especially girls – to care for siblings. Studies have found that fathers’ migration contributes to irregular school attendance and poor academic performance among left-behind children (Verma 2023, Aradhya et al. 2019). Additionally, girls face greater difficulties in accessing education in migrant families due to prevailing conservative social norms. In some contexts, the migration of male members can reinforce early marriage among girls because of fears around honour and safety. The practice of early marriage can further lead to school dropout. In such scenarios, girls are often withdrawn from school when they reach puberty, thus typically dropping out after primary levels of education.

Study and key findings

Drawing on cross-sectional data from the Middle Ganga Plain (MGP) Survey, conducted by the International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) in 2018-19, I assessed the relationship between fathers’ migration and their left-behind children’s school attendance in eastern UP and Bihar. I further examined whether this relationship differs across gender by specifically assessing the association for girl children.

I find that in eastern UP, fathers’ migration is significantly associated with higher school attendance for their children compared to children of non-migrant fathers (Figure 1). This finding is confirmed by the regression analysis controlling for household characteristics (caste, religion, landholding, and family type), with children whose fathers seasonally migrate are more than twice as likely to attend school (Odds Ratio: 2.23; 95% Confidence Interval: 1.34-3.71)¹. In Bihar, no significant difference in school attendance is found between children of migrant and non-migrant fathers (Figure 1). However, there is an indication of a negative association between the migration of fathers and left-behind children’s schooling in Bihar (Odds Ratio: 2.23; 95% Confidence Interval: 1.34-3.71). Moreover, fathers' migration has no significant relationship with daughters’ school attendance in either state (Figure 2). The association remains similar even after adjusting for household characteristics in the regression model.

Figure 1. Children’s school attendance by fathers’ migration status

Figure 2. Daughters’ school attendance by fathers’ migration status

Discussion

The findings reveal a context-specific relationship between fathers’ migration and children's schooling. In eastern UP, children – particularly sons – appear to benefit from fathers’ migration, likely due to improved household financial conditions and continued familial support for their education. In contrast, no such benefit is observed in Bihar; rather, children of migrant fathers exhibit slightly lower school attendance compared to those whose fathers have not migrated. Notably, fathers’ migration does not positively influence daughters’ schooling across both settings. This reflects persistent socio-cultural norms that devalue girls’ education, as daughters often face increased responsibilities and safety issues in the absence of their fathers. These patterns suggest that only sons in eastern UP may gain educational advantages from fathers’ migration, while daughters remain disadvantaged regardless of context.

It is apparent from the analysis that fathers’ migration may not always independently have a detrimental impact on children’s education. Migration in this setting is generally distress-driven, often originating from poverty, landlessness, and lack of livelihood opportunities. Although fathers’ migration has a marginally negative association with left-behind children’s schooling in Bihar, the underlying causes of non-attendance and dropout are more deeply embedded in socio-cultural and structural barriers. For instance, my analysis reveals that caste and religion remain strong determinants of school attendance. Several other factors, such as poverty, long commute distances, marriage, and the requirement for household work, particularly for girls, remain significant deterrents to schooling (Paul and Thapa 2024).

Previous studies have indicated that left-behind children often face increased vulnerability and lack adequate familial or institutional support systems (UNICEF). Children in regions with high out-migration, such as Bihar, eastern Uttar Pradesh, and western Odisha, have low educational attainment and high dropout rates, especially among marginalised populations. Girls are often withdrawn from school to manage household chores, care for siblings, or enter early marriages, while boys may be pushed prematurely into informal labour to support the family (Sengupta and Guha 2002, Smita 2008). These dynamics reinforce cycles of educational inequality, particularly among Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) communities, where systemic barriers, such as caste discrimination and lack of access to social safety nets, limit opportunities for stable livelihoods (Drèze and Sen 2013). As Govinda and Bandyopadhyay (2010) note, the intersection of economic instability and social exclusion creates a "double disadvantage" for marginalised children, perpetuating low enrolment rates and high dropout levels. The father’s migration may create another layer of vulnerability to these left-behind children in highly out-migrated regions. However, more context-specific studies across different cultural and geographical areas are required using longitudinal data to better disentangle this relationship and offer evidence-based solutions.

Despite the implementation of the Right to Education Act (RTE) in 2009, which guarantees free and compulsory education for children aged 6-14 up to grade 8, school dropout remains a significant barrier to the universalisation of elementary education in India (Paul and Thapa 2024). Dropout rates are especially high in states with significant out-migration, disproportionately affecting girls, SC/ST populations, and children from migrant households (Govinda and Bandyopadhyay 2010). Studies emphasise that the formal schooling system has largely failed to accommodate the seasonal and migratory patterns of these children, both in their areas of origin and destination (Rogaly et al. 2001).

Call for action

Addressing this persistent challenge requires targeted, inclusive policies and programmes tailored to the specific needs of highly vulnerable, left-behind children from migrant families. National education strategies must adopt context-sensitive measures, including informal education through bridge courses, flexible learning schedules, and community-based interventions. Emphasis should also be placed on foundational literacy and numeracy, digital literacy, and awareness of basic human rights to ensure equitable educational access for all.

Note:

The odds ratio indicates how the probability of an outcome (in this case, school attendance) changes when the independent variable (father's migration) shifts. An odds ratio greater than 1 suggests migration is associated with higher odds of enrolment; less than 1 suggests lower odds. A 95% confidence interval indicates that if the study was repeated many times, the true effect would fall within this range in 95% of the cases.