This post presents our monthly curation of developments in the Indian policy landscape – highlighting I4I content pertaining to governance of India’s mining sector; the Delhi government’s efforts to clean up the Yamuna River; and the Uttar Pradesh state government’s decision to merge small schools.

The political economy of mining 

A key agenda item of the ongoing Monsoon Session of the Indian Parliament is the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2025. The proposed legislation seeks to provide for the recovery of critical minerals, inclusion of contiguous areas in a lease for mining of deep-seated minerals and expansion of the scope of the National Mineral Exploration Trust. This development is in line with the global push for critical minerals and rare earth elements, which are essential for the clean energy transition. 

In India, the central government controls major minerals such as coal and iron ore, which have national and strategic relevance, while state governments regulate and manage minor minerals. In February 2025, the Ministry of Mines reclassified four minor minerals – Barytes, Felspar, Mica, and Quartz – as major minerals. Besides the energy transition, these are crucial for sectors such as healthcare, spacecraft, etc. 

Despite regulation, the mining sector remains plagued by issues such as illegal extraction and violence against officers, activists, or journalists that attempt to curb these malpractices. Asher and Novosad (2020) note that mining is particularly susceptible to corruption given the massive returns to illegally expanding the geographical area of operation and violating environmental regulation. The researchers set out to investigate whether political behaviour in India changes in constituencies that are experience mining booms, driven by hikes in global prices. Analysing data for the period between 2003 and 2018, they find that a doubling in the value of local mineral wealth leads to a 30% increase in the probability of a criminal politician entering office. For a politician who is in office at the time of the boom, such an increase in local mineral wealth causes a 25% rise in the assets of the politician. 

Restoring Yamuna’s past glory 

In February this year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – the political party of Prime Minister Narendra Modi – won the State Assembly elections in New Delhi, forming the government in the capital city for the first time in 26 years. Among the top priorities listed in the election manifesto of the BJP was tackling pollution of the waters of the Yamuna River. While the 22-kilometre stretch of the Yamuna that passes through Delhi constitutes only 2% of the river, it contributes 80% of its total pollution. Noting that the Yamuna has “turned into a polluted drain, filled with filth and garbage” even though crores of rupees have been spent on cleanup efforts, the party promises to effectively address this issue. 

Specifically, the new government plans to: (i) undertake full treatment of wastewater from drains before it flows into the Yamuna, by expanding capacity of sewage treatment plants and common effluent treatment plants; (ii) ensure that all sewage treatment plants discharging treated water into the Yamuna comply with the Delhi Pollution Control Committee standards¹; (iii) ensure zero industrial emissions into the Yamuna; (iv) promote biodiversity along the banks by creating green corridors, wetlands, and buffer zones; and (v) collaborate with the central government to develop the riverfront, with 24x7 commercial establishments and entertainment facilities, and organise an annual Yamuna festival. 

In her recent I4I post, Naina Sharma of the Center of Policy Research and Governance outlines the various initiatives that have been undertaken for river restoration since the launch of the Yamuna Action Plan in 1993, with support from the Japan International Cooperation Agency. In her view, the financial investments and efforts have failed to yield commensurate results mainly on account of governance and institutional failures, rather than technical shortcomings. While funds are typically used for creating new infrastructure, she recommends prioritising maintenance of existing treatment plants, and aspects such as staff training and enforcement of regulatory laws. Further, Sharma emphasises the need to rationalise the institutional framework and promote collective public action to clean up the Yamuna.  

School mergers in Uttar Pradesh 

The state government of Uttar Pradesh has been in the news for its decision to shift students from low-enrolment schools (50 or fewer students) to nearby institutions with larger campuses and better facilities. Of the 1.4 lakh government primary and upper primary schools in the state, around 29,000 schools fall in this category. For the smaller schools, the plan is to repurpose the premises for conducting pre-primary classes. While the stated objectives are optimal utilisation of resources and improvement in educational outcomes – aligned with the National Education Policy, 2020 – there has been some opposition to the move on account of potential reduction in access to schools, especially for girls who face mobility constraints and threats to safety. 

Looking back, when the government of the hilly state of Himachal Pradesh announced its intent to consolidate schools in order to shift focus from access to quality, Wad (2017) discussed the issues involved in such a move and recommended measures that would ensure that the improved quality does not come at the cost of inclusivity. For relatively distant schools, he emphasises provision of free school buses or similar transportation. Additionally, such assistance ought to be extended to teachers as well as parents, as they need to work with School Management Committees. Provision of adequate number of good teachers in the new schools is an important part of this exercise. There may also be merit in having pilot districts (say, the sparsely populated ones with poor school quality and spread of small schools) so that lessons can be drawn for further implementation of the policy. In a similar vein, Jolad (2018) cautions against shutting down smaller schools prior to the new schools being fully functional. Moreover, it may be instructive to consult with the local communities on issues of location and transportation at the planning stage.

Note:

1. Currently, 21 out of 27 plants meet these standards.